Reporter's Notebook:
WORTH DEBATING?
After-Party
Prompts the Question: How Valuable Are the Debates?
ABC News
Hari Sreenivasan
Thursday, October 7, 2004
Asking who won the debates at a
viewing party organized by grass-roots Democrats in the bluest of blue
states was not going to get me a very diverse set of answers. So my conversations
with the predominantly African-American crowd watching the whole 90-minute
extravaganza turned to the value of the event itself.
Are the debates worth it? How
do they weave into the fabric of this grand conversation between candidate
and voter? What I found was media criticism, a layer of hope, some skepticism
and fear.
We were in the VIP room of a
trendy hotspot in the chic Bowery area of Manhattan. It's a neighborhood
with homeless shelters adjacent to high-priced lofts. I didn't have the
audience applause meter, but it was a tossup whether the cheers were louder
at Kerry's consistent steps to seem, well, consistent — or at Bush's pregnant
pauses which, well, didn't deliver.
At the end, by the time Teresa
Heinz Kerry and first lady Laura Bush were in their awkward embrace (perhaps
commenting on the similarity of their outfits), the viewing portion of
the program ended and the party portion began.
Un-spun
As the sounds of the speeches were quickly replaced with thumping bass lines,
Philip Mckinley, a physician, wondered with me what the talking heads on
the telly, with their wraparound microphones, were saying. For him, it was
the pundits' distilling process in this next half-hour of lip flap that
was so crucial in shaping public opinion.
In his mind, it was a slam dunk
for his candidate, but he wanted to know whether he watched the same game
as those who got paid to pontificate on a Thursday night. He had reason
to be concerned.
The insta-polls that media outlets
release immediately after the debate play a crucial role in framing the
conversation over the next few days. Friday headlines run the numbers
from Thursday night's polls.
Headlines beget headlines. Momentum
can strengthen in one direction or another, a moveable voter could, God
forbid, move, and campaign strategies must adjust accordingly. This doesn't
have much to do with a candidate's actual position on issue X or Y, but
more the spin.
Speaking of spin, Beatrice Sibblies,
one of the organizers of the party, half joked that she might wake up
and find headlines declaring a Bush win of this debate. That all depends
on what paper she reads, and which campaign surrogates the front-page
reporter interviewed.
In Miami, behind most of the
network reporters' live appearances, cameras revealed a room set up to
deliver the quickest and most predictable pithy reaction with the least
amount of effort. It was a frenzied scene of cameras and boom mics, swimming
to and fro like sharks and piranhas jostling for political chum.
Insight
For both candidates this first debate was an opportunity to take the material
they had been road-testing for months now and deliver it to one of the largest
audiences they will ever have in this process.
Alana Thompson, an accountant,
reminded me that, short of having serious cash to get into a Kerry fund-raising
dinner or working the campaign phone banks for a ticket to a Bush-Cheney
event, this was one of the few opportunities millions of people will ever
have to see and hear the men side by side, head to head. She values the
debates because, in her opinion, the media doesn't inform the viewers
enough to help identify the differences.
There is some value to the mediation.
Whether it's appreciated by this viewing party or others, who knows? Though
none of the network television stations were bold enough to throw "fact
checks" on screen while the debates were happening, bloggers were furiously
submitting their versions of Internet sticky notes with factoids and sources
highlighting errors by both candidates as the two gentleman uttered them.
For example, during the post-debate
show, ABC News' Jake Tapper told Peter Jennings about overestimations
by John Kerry on the amount of money spent on the war in Iraq (it's not
$200 billion as the senator said; according to the Congressional Budget
Office, it's only $120 billion) and President Bush's statement that 100,000
Iraqi security forces have been trained (according to the Department of
Defense, there are only 50,000 trained and their readiness is in question).
The substance might be something
Bryan Lattimore remembers, but being in the advertising world, he was
as interested in strategy. In his opinion, niche audiences are the only
ones likely to have their decision swayed by a candidate's posture on
particular issues. For him the aggregate will sway based on which campaign
is able to execute the best strategy through the debates. Similar to any
sale, the campaigns have to get a gut reaction out of the voter.
Debate
There have been several conversations and articles in the past weeks about
the book No Debate by George Farah, which details how staged these
events have become. Farah makes a lucid case on how the process of the debates
has changed from spontaneous and raw exchanges of opinions and ideas to
micromanaged events in the interests of the two parties and to the exclusion
of everyone else. Farah also shows how systematically the debates have become
so nonconfrontational, to the point where the events might as well be called
a joint news conference.
It almost seems ironic that in
this world, where reality television shows rule the roost, that television
networks would let such a controlled affair take place. It seems like
ratings would be higher, the less predictable the event.
Window-dressing is how Alfonso
Holloman sees this tradition. He'd prefer a much more open and flowing
format, where the individual who has the quicker mind and clearer agenda
is at an advantage. He knows that the masses will not be swayed by one
debate, or two or three, that they won't likely go home remembering which
candidate stood for bilateral versus multilateral talks with North Korea.
He concedes that the decisions, for the most part, have already been made
by most voters, and this last month is merely an opportunity to calcify
a viewpoint.
As the martinis flowed past me,
I realized that we aren't ever likely to value public speaking and debating
as, say, the British do. We aren't going to bring "question hour" to the
Senate floor once a week — unless Mark Burnett, the creator of Survivor
, has something to do with it.
If the next two weeks are simply
about appreciating more window dressing, then we'd better get used to
the idea that this might just be, as a cardiologist from New York's Upper
East Side put it, a democracy on a marionette.
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